The Partition of the Country Under the Umbrella of a Humanitarian Truce: Between Acceptance and Rejection

By: Minni Arko Minnawi
In moments of political and humanitarian darkness, transformations in Sudan are shaped by political shifts and relentless military conflicts. Today, the banner of a humanitarian truce is raised as a thin thread between hope and collapse, raising numerous questions about the fate of the Sudanese people and the future of their afflicted nation.
Will a humanitarian truce become a genuine solution, or merely a temporary palliative that calms tensions for a short period while militias regroup and reorganize? Is it even achievable under the current circumstances, or does the future hold further suffering?
This article examines the most prominent tactical objectives related to a humanitarian truce in Sudan, highlighting the most significant threats to the humanitarian situation and the possible paths to achieving genuine peace.
Was a humanitarian truce necessary after El Fasher?
Since the beginning of the conflict in Sudan, and following the recent massacre in El Fasher, it has become clear that a humanitarian truce is no longer a necessary option. El Fasher has become a focal point of human suffering, witnessing the killing and displacement of thousands of civilians under a suffocating siege that lasted for two years, all while the world, including the United Nations and its agencies, stood by, failing to uphold its principles. The suffering in El Fasher has become a prime example of areas requiring urgent humanitarian intervention, even if only through an international resolution. Children, who should have been living in peace, have become innocent victims of Janjaweed shelling, their only crime being belonging to tribes deemed undesirable by the militias and the UAE. El Fasher is like a weary child crying out, “Truce and relief!” But that child, along with its hope, has been buried after the world failed to provide even the most basic semblance of hope for life.
Threats to the humanitarian situation in Sudan: Rapid Support Forces or natural disasters?
Regarding the threats to the humanitarian situation in Sudan, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) cannot be excluded from the list of primary causes of the current catastrophe. The RSF, backed by regional actors, has become the main player in creating chaos, violating the most basic human rights and destroying infrastructure on a scale exceeding that of natural disasters such as floods, earthquakes, and fires. The threats posed by these armed militias are the most devastating in the long run. The RSF is not merely a military threat; it is a systematic force of destruction targeting peace, stability, nature, and humanity, driven by political and ideological agendas that have no place in our African land.
Why did the world delay speaking the truth until after the El Fasher massacre?
The El Fasher massacre was one of the bloodiest chapters in the Sudanese conflict. Yet, despite knowing full well what might happen, the world waited until the massacre was complete. Within a mere twenty-four hours, amidst the ravages of war, a small amount of food aid was delivered. But the victims ask: Why? Was it retribution for the militia’s actions? Or was it at the behest of a client state? Did the world need more evidence of war crimes before taking action? Or were there hidden interests causing some to delay a decisive stance, despite the oft-repeated refrain, “Never Again”? In reality, the positions of some international powers, such as the United Arab Emirates, cannot be ignored. They were part of the political and military conflict in Sudan, supporting some of the parties involved in the massacres. This international complicity in delaying intervention only added to the pain and suffering of the Sudanese people, who were already enduring the ravages of war.
What are the elements of a truce, if one is indeed necessary?
Truces, like the one in Sudan, are dirty operations woven with silk. But if the leadership commits to the unity of the struggle and the competence of its leaders, it can steer things in the right direction after stripping them of their conspiratorial content. By formulating a national approach with specific conditions, it can ensure that the peace being promoted by wolves will be genuine and lasting. It will not be merely an agreement on paper, but a process that includes and is preceded by:
• The withdrawal of militia forces from all vital locations they have entered, looted, and violated: There can be no talk of genuine peace while the Rapid Support Forces or any other militias continue to control civilian lands and sites, from schools and universities to markets, hospitals, and even orphanages. These forces must be withdrawn from cities and residential areas immediately, and control of the land must be returned to national institutions, life must be restored, and schools must be reopened. This is essential if the truce is to have any humanitarian purpose.
• The release of abductees: There can be no talk of a genuine truce while thousands of detainees and abductees, including children, remain in the hands of the militias. Their release should be a prelude to a humanitarian truce, if that is indeed its intention.
• Expulsion of foreign mercenaries: It is not in Sudan’s interest to allow foreign mercenaries to remain on its soil. They pose a significant threat to national sovereignty. Their numbers exceed 85% of the Rapid Support Forces.
• Reopening main roads: It is essential to reopen the roads between Sudanese cities to restore normalcy and facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid.
• Participation of all national forces in the peace process: Peace cannot be merely an agreement between a single group of parties. The peace process must include all segments of Sudanese society, from victims of war to the displaced and the families of martyrs. A truce must encompass all conceptual aspects of the nation and its citizens.
Why don’t we demand accountability for the perpetrators of genocide?
The state must expedite its efforts and prioritize holding the perpetrators of genocide accountable. This must be a top priority, without seeking a lost peace controlled by an oil-rich state that believes only in money. Otherwise, if a hostile national entity is identified, it will be the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), acting of its own volition, whereas currently, they are stripped of their agency.
While the Sudanese people are subjected to persecution, killing, and displacement, we reiterate our demand for accountability for the perpetrators of genocide against civilians.
Many parties refuse to acknowledge their crimes and continue to commit further violations, making the pursuit of justice even more difficult. The next phase must be one of accountability. The perpetrators cannot be overlooked or presented as heroes by some countries. The international cover afforded to some of these parties cannot be an excuse for failing to prosecute them.
Handing over borders, crossings, airports, and airstrips to the central authority and preventing all violations of national sovereignty will greatly facilitate the nation’s ability to monitor its airspace and borders and prevent military support for the RSF.
In conclusion: It is worth reiterating that some of us still believe that liberating Khartoum and the central region is the ultimate solution to the war. This misconception could lead us to the unknown, with “Sudan” becoming the last word a Sudanese person utters. Let everyone know that the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) don’t know where to fire their last bullet, for the simple reason that they don’t know what project they are dying, killing, and looting for. They are merely a machine that has been revved and fueled, and they don’t know when it will be shut down. As for the mastermind behind this project, their ultimate goal is the source of the Nile’s two tributaries, the Nile’s delta, and the Red Sea—this is within the narrow confines of Sudan and a part of Greater Africa.
As for their ultimate goal within Greater Africa, that’s a different story.
The situation in Sudan is not merely a war on the ground or a power struggle; it is a battle against humanity in its most horrific form. A humanitarian truce, while a step in the right direction, will not be enough unless it is integrated into a comprehensive framework that reflects the aspirations of the Sudanese people for freedom, justice, and peace, with complete harmony between slogans and actions. If that happens, we will not allow the forces of chaos to dominate our destiny, nor will we turn a blind eye to the crimes that are being committed and have been committed against the Sudanese people.