Ethiopia, it is time for politicians to support the church

Taqray Church secedes from Addis Ababa to Egyptian affiliation

By Khaled Taha

In a new move seen as a call for solidarity, the Ethiopian Orthodox Church has urged Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to use his constitutional powers to prevent the division of the Tigray Church and to put a halt to the ordination of 10 bishops who will lead dioceses independently from the authority of the mother church.

A statement from the Synod Holy states that “the actions taken by the Tigray Church are invalid and go against the laws of the Church,” and “perpetuate division within the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, which has preserved its unity for centuries as one of the oldest Eastern churches in Africa.”

The statement further stated that these recent actions “contradict articles 37 and 38 of the church law, undermine the central administration of the church, and jeopardize its unity.”

Based in Addis Ababa, the Orthodox leadership has made an official request for the prime minister to reject any demarcation that goes against church laws. They have also called on him to fulfill his role as the highest authority in the country.

The establishment of a separate church in the Tigray region coincides with other steps towards the region’s potential separation from Ethiopia. This issue goes beyond a mere dispute, as it involves the stance of the Great Ethiopian Church regarding the two-year war in Tigray and its support for the federal army. The Orthodox Church in the Tigray region has declared its independence and distanced itself from the mother church, accusing it of colluding against the Taqrayans during the war between the Tigray People’s Liberation Front and the Federal Army and its allies.

In order to further prevent any potential intervention or dissuasion, the ordination of ten bishops was carried out on Sunday, July 23, to lead the dioceses in the Tigray region and communities abroad, including the Taqrayan community in Sudan, Egypt, and Australia. This ordination concluded with the anointing of the bishops with holy oil, which is the final stage in the ecclesiastical procedures. Once this stage is completed, there is no possibility of retreat, effectively blocking any potential pressure that Abiy Ahmed may attempt to exert, whether at the request of the Church of Addis Ababa or on his own initiative.

Moreover, an important development concerning the historical independent church of Axum is the recent change in its name to “Salama Kasati Burhan,” which translates to “the safety of the giver of light.” This name can be traced back to the Egyptian bishop Fromentius Salama, who was the first bishop ordained by the Egyptian Pope Athanasius, serving as the bishop of Abyssinia in the year AD 326.

This statement clearly indicates the possibility of connecting the Orthodox Church in Tigray to the Coptic Church in Alexandria. The Coptic Church remained affiliated until 1959, when the Ethiopian Church gained independence from Egyptian leadership.

On the other hand, it demonstrates that the Qur’anic bishops are not inclined towards unwarranted separation. It also puts pressure on Egyptian diplomacy, restoring some balance of power between Cairo and Addis Ababa. This was evident in the recent visit of Abiy Ahmed to Egypt, where summit meetings were held to discuss the crisis in Sudan.

It is evident that the Church of Salama in Tigray is intentionally taking steps to undermine the Ethiopian Orthodox Synod and justify its actions. The church announced that about a hundred members voted for ten bishop candidates out of a list of 26 candidates. These new bishops will immediately assume their duties in five areas within the Tigray region and some affiliated communities abroad. This announcement indicates that all procedures were carried out according to established conditions, which also justifies the rejection of the Synod’s plea for forgiveness and attempts to reconcile. The Synod in Addis Ababa sent a large delegation, including the Patriarch and several members, to Tigray to apologize. However, the Tigray fathers refused to meet with the delegation and closed the doors of their churches. As a result, the delegation was forced to pray on the church thresholds before returning to Addis Ababa without achieving their goal of apology and reunification.

The Ethiopian Mother Church’s address to the Prime Minister requesting urgent intervention comes in response to the demand for a response to their supportive position. They argue that the act of “self-demarcation” represents an imminent spiritual and political crisis. The declaration of independence by the Tigray Church and the renaming of the church indicate that this issue involves two separate states rather than a conflict within a single state church.

This indicates that the spiritual issue has translated into a political one, with a separatist tendency emerging among the Tigray fathers. Therefore, it is in the interest of the Ethiopian state to resolve this spiritual and political conflict. It is expected that the Ethiopian political administration will exert pressure on the temporary government of Tigray to convince the Church of Axum/Salama to abandon the idea of division.

It is worth noting that while the bishops of Tigray are promoting coexistence with the peoples of the region and engaging in dialogue, including with Muslim communities in Eritrea and Djibouti, the Synod in Addis Ababa continues to make mistakes by increasing closeness and maintaining the perception of Ethiopia as a Christian country that requires strengthening. This contradicts their previous stance during the crisis with the Church of the Oromia Region last May when they called on the government to refrain from interfering in internal church affairs.

Although the ancient Church may no longer have the ability to prevent this separation, the request and invitation by the highest spiritual authority of the Church for Ethiopian government intervention serves as a prelude for anticipated future steps that may warrant intervention.

The actions of the Prime Minister in response to the request by the Ethiopian Mother Church are speculative at this point. However, it is possible that the Prime Minister may consider intervening not only to prevent the divisions within the Church, but also to assert the government’s right to intervene in religious matters. This intervention could be used to control the situation in other regions, such as the Oromia region, which may also be experiencing similar disputes.

It is suggested that the Prime Minister may be strategic in his approach and may not exert significant pressure until he achieves his political goals related to the new peace agreement. This agreement is believed to have multiple scenarios for implementation or non-implementation, as well as various agendas from different parties involved. It is implied that the Prime Minister’s administration may prioritize these political goals before fully engaging in the religious dispute within the Church.